This is my first piece for Reform’s new blog and I thought I would use it to express some personal perspectives on developments over the past 10 years, and on the potential for Reform, and the wider Irish Republic, looking ahead.
Ten years ago, at the public launch of the Reform Movement, one of our members commented that the Irish-British identity was Ireland’s “oldest and largest” minority. Back then that may well have been true - but certainly not today! We may still be the oldest of the Irish Republic’s minorities but today we are probably somewhere between small and middling-sized compared to our very welcome new communities from Eastern Europe, West Africa and beyond who have brought so much positive change and diversity to our shores.
Ten years ago almost feels like a different country. Back then the peace process was still in its infancy - all-party talks had barely begun and many sceptics doubted that a unionist-nationalist agreement was even possible. Back then the Irish Republic was still a largely mono-ethnic, mono-cultural state. “Official Ireland” still seemed more comfortable reflecting stale decades-old nationalistic orthodoxy than in embracing the potential of a rapprochement with the Unionist tradition.
Nowadays, so much has changed for the better that it is difficult to know where to begin. Beyond the obvious headline-grabbing issues which we are all aware of - such as the Irish Government’s invaluable support for the peace process over the past 15 years since the Downing Street Declaration, there has been a whole host of lesser-noticed, but no less important, developments which are going a long way towards boosting reconciliation between the two traditions in Ireland, and especially in the Irish Republic.
These are just some examples:
- It was recently announced that the British-Irish Council (BIC), established under the Good Friday Agreement, will now be placed on a permanent footing, and will now have its own Secretariat. This goes some way towards placing the crucial Strand 3 (all-islands) of the Agreement on an equal footing with the Strand 2 (north-south) element, and is a sign that the Irish government recognises the vital importance of the all-islands dimension to the peace process.
- 10m Euros has been spent on the Battle of Boyne Interpretive Centre - due to open in 3 months - a very welcome investment by the Irish government in promoting greater understanding of the Orange tradition in Ireland.
- 250k in government support for Orange Order in the Irish Republic. This will go some way towards helping the Orange minority, particularly in the border counties where they have witnessed a number of their halls and community centres burnt down in recent years. Interestingly, the Orange Order chose to quote the Easter Proclamation in their response: "Our members in the Republic of Ireland stand ready to play a fuller part in civic society than heretofore. The recognition which this funding brings with it goes some way towards providing reassurance in the Republic of Ireland that all the children of the nation will now be treated equally."
- The renewed historical interest and appreciation of the suffering inflicted upon the minority community in Southern Ireland throughout the 1919-1923 period - in particular the sectarian slaughter of many West Cork unionists during this time who were condemned as “spies and traitors” simply for holding a different political belief. It is significant and welcome that one of the most eye-opening documentaries on this period - the documentary on the Coolacrease murders in Offaly - was produced by the State broadcaster RTE. This is a very positive sign of growing maturity on the part of the majority nationalist community in the Republic towards dealing with the past, warts and all, and recognizing that wrongs were inflicted on all sides.
Of course there is still so much to do, and a long road ahead - we have seen the fruits of embracing Europe - so why not embrace the Commonwealth also? In doing so Ireland would become the fourth European Union nation in the Commonwealth, after the UK, Cyprus and Malta. Joining the Commonwealth would give the Irish Republic a whole new dimension to the work we already do with the EU and United Nations.
And perhaps most important of all, those of minority identity in the Republic are still denied the fundamental promise of the Good Friday Agreement - the right to choose between Irish citizenship, British citizenship or both. It is nonsensical that somebody of nationalist identity in Strabane, County Tyrone has this right, whilst somebody of Irish-British identity across the river in Lifford, County Donegal is denied it.
Nevertheless, I hope these are future steps along the way of the peace process and will be realised in time. On the whole, I have a great sense that after many years of stalemate post-1998, things are finally really moving in the right direction now. The Irish Republic is moving towards being a truly inclusive, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural modern European state which recognises and respects its own minority strands of identity, including the Irish-British strand.
This is a development that can be welcomed by all of us - and Reform Movement members should be proud of having been in the vanguard of this change over the past decade. What seems so clear today was certainly not so clear ten years ago when the Reform Movement was launched.
The foundation of power-sharing in Northern Ireland between Unionists and Republicans is the most positive development of all - let us all hope it opens up the door to a new future of genuine equality and mutual respect, north and south, between Ireland’s age-old political traditions of Unionism and Nationalism - and leads to an Ireland that is a warm house for all of us.
What are your thoughts on all of this? - let us know, the comments section is open for your views!
5 comments:
"It is nonsensical that somebody of nationalist identity in Strabane, County Tyrone has this right, whilst somebody of Irish-British identity across the river in Lifford, County Donegal is denied it."
The man in Strabane, Co. Tyrone is entitled to Irish nationality by virtue of the fact that he was born on the island of Ireland. Whence does the Donegal man derive his right to British identity? He was not born on the island of Great Britain, nor was he born under any jurisdiction in the UK. Although he may claim British heritage through his ancestry, does this mean every Wexford man with Viking roots is entitled to Danish/Norwegian nationality? Or people with Norman surnames like Joyce and Burke are entitled to ex post facto French nationality? Now that's nonsense.
The man in Strabane was born in the United Kingdom, not in the Republic of Ireland. He is clearly therefore a British citizen, not an Irish one.
I suggest the Irish Republic is quite exceptional in international passport norms in granting Irish citizenship to people born in a part of the UK. This is a hangover from de Valera's 1937 constitution which claimed Northern Ireland. But the people of the Republic removed this claim in a referendum in I think 1998 and passport law did not change to reflect this.
I agree that the British government is not in a position to grant people in this country a British passport as we are a republic...why not grant them to people say in all ex British countries? It is not going to happen.
The position is not so straight forward. A man born in Strabane after 1922, say, was born in the United Kingdom. He is therefore not entitled to an Irish passport unless claiming through immediate family like a father who was Irish. A man born in Donegal was born in the Free State or the Irish Republic later on and is not entitled to a British passport unless he marries a British subject or lives and works in the UK for I think 7 years.
The difficulty is that de Valera's constitution claimed Northern Ireland as being part of Ireland or Eire so people in NI were entitled to Irish passports. The Irish people in a referendum removed this claim but Irish passport law did not change at the same time.
The Reform movement has had correspondence with Home Office on this issue and has been firmly told that "the Government is not persuaded there is a case for creating any new avenues to British nationality in relation to Ireland".
"The man in Strabane was born in the United Kingdom, not in the Republic of Ireland. He is clearly therefore a British citizen, not an Irish one."
Well he's not a British citizen if he has an Irish passport. Possibly you don't understand that that's how citizenship laws work.
Another point: there is no such thing as the Republic of Ireland - this is merely a description of the State found in 1949 legislation. The official name of the State is Ireland, see Article 4 of your constitution.
"Well he's not a British citizen if he has an Irish passport. "
Wrong. If he's born in Strabane (before 1983) he's a British citizen. He may be an Irish citizen too, but that has no impact on whether or not he is a British citizen.
If he's born there after 1983 to at least one parent who is a British citizen (which includes everyone born in NI before 1983) he is also a British citizen.
He can take up also take up citizenship of the Republic if he wishes, however he does not lose British citizenship unless he renounces it.
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